Elections in Africa: A Growing Challenge for Democracy

José Eduardo Van-Dúnem dos Santos was just 37 when the ruling Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola, known as MPLA, picked him to take over from its first president, Augustinho Neto, in September 1979. By 2010, dos Santos had ruled for 31 years. But he was not a charismatic leader or very popular among the people.

For years, dos Santos searched for a way to fix this. In 2010, he found a solution. Under Angola’s 1992 constitution, the president was the only leader recognized nationally. The citizens voted for him directly. In December 2006, the country announced a three-year notice for a presidential election set for 2009. When the time came, dos Santos ignored it.

Instead, on 21 January 2010, the MPLA-controlled parliament approved a new constitution. On 5 February, dos Santos signed it. The new law removed the people’s right to elect their president and extended dos Santos’ time in power until a new vote in 2012.

With the new constitution, the president would no longer be elected by the people. The leader of the majority party in the National Assembly would automatically become president. The MPLA, under dos Santos, effectively took control, leaving the citizens with no say in the matter.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, President Joseph Kabila was watching closely. He faced many challenges to stay in power. After winning a second five-year term in 2011, Kabila used various methods to extend his rule. After his term ended in December 2016, he managed to give himself an unelected two-year extension. Ultimately, he had to give up power in 2019 after 18 years.

In Togo, Faure Gnassingbe has ruled for over 21 years, succeeding his father, General Gnassingbe Eyadema. During his presidency, he has never faced a term limit he could not change. In May 2024, facing a term limit that seemed impossible to overcome, Faure abolished the executive presidency and the citizens' right to vote for their president to stay in power.

With a new constitution set for Togo’s 5th Republic in 2024, Parliament increased the number of presidents from one to two. The state president's role became mostly ceremonial. The new powerful office of President of the Council of Ministers was created to hold all executive powers. Faure's actions ended all doubts about term limits and presidential elections.

Now, the President of the Council of Ministers can serve indefinitely as long as his party stays in power. Faure “could… remain in power for life as president of the council as long as his party remained in the majority.” This change, similar to Angola’s MPLA, was made without any input from the people. The opposition in Togo called it a “constitutional coup.” Others in Africa see it as “a blueprint for dictators.”

Zimbabwe’s Emmerson Mnangagwa took note of these moves. After he overthrew Robert Mugabe in November 2017, he was already 75. Many thought he would lead to a more democratic Zimbabwe. Instead, he started to strengthen his power to ensure he could rule for life.

When Chief Justice Luke Malaba turned 70 in May 2021, Mnangagwa granted him an unusual five-year extension and got a supportive court system to back him. Ahead of the presidential elections in August 2023, he gave all judges a $400,000 housing loan that they did not have to pay back.

Since Mnangagwa's rise, over 25 top military generals, including four who helped him take power, have died under mysterious circumstances. Zimbabwe’s 2013 constitution says that the president serves a five-year term, which can be renewed once. After winning his first term in 2018, Mnangagwa would be term-limited in 2028.

However, in October 2025, the ruling ZANU-PF Party decided to push for an extension of his term for stability. On 7 July 2026, Mnangagwa signed a constitutional amendment “extending the presidential term from five to seven years and abolishing the popular election of the president in favor of selection by parliament, a change that will keep him in office two years beyond the limit previously set by the constitution.” This was solely a parliamentary decision.

So, in 2028, when he will be 86 and due to be term-limited, Mnangagwa will still be presented to the people to continue his rule until he is at least 93. If he gets another term, he could rule until he is 100, with no input from the citizens.

In November 2023, Nigeria’s former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who tried and failed to extend his presidency beyond the eight years allowed by the constitution, said that Western-style democracy was forced on Africa and not good for it. He did not suggest a replacement model.

Inspired by Obasanjo’s words, his followers in power across Africa now show different ways to achieve his vision. The signs are clear.

First, the people are seen as a problem. More and more, the question of who is in charge is determined by those loyal to the ruler and not by the citizens.

Second, parliaments and judges are used to support dictators. It is cheaper to bribe them and easier to deal with anyone who opposes them.

Third, popular elections are seen as too costly. It is simpler to break the country into smaller parts to create a false sense of democracy.

Fourth, renewing mandates is outdated. Keeping things simple and predictable is better. A life presidency does this.

Across Africa, many aspiring life presidents are preparing. The future of government by the people, for the people, and of the people seems to be in trouble.